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Prince Reza Pahlavi: Despicable Ahmadinejad, Ignorant
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PostPosted: Mon Sep 24, 2007 1:06 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Reza Pahlavi message on the occsaion of the school year 1386-1387
بمناسبت
سال تحصيلی ١٣٨۶־ ١٣٨٧
يکشنبه اول مهرماه ١٣٨۶
هم ميهنان عزيزم،
سال جديد تحصيلی رابه شما وبويژه به دانشجويان و
دانش آموزان که آينده سازان ايران فردايند تبريک
می گويم. سال جديد تحصيلی رادر حالی شروع می کنيم که
کشورما باز هم بدليل ناکارآمدی و کارنادانی سردمداران
نالايق رژيم درشرايطی بس بحرانی وبغرنج بسرمی برد.
متاسفانه کشور ما درحالی بسوی انزوای نزديک به مطلق
پيش می رود که شايد در تاريخ انسانی هيچگاه مانند
امروز، مرز ميان ملتها برداشته نشده است. جهان کنونی
که به مدد تکنولوژی پيشرفته واينترنت به واقع به يک
"دهکده جهانی" تبديل شده است.
در اين دهکده ی جهانی همگان در تلاش اند که با دانشها،
اوريها، اختراعات و اطلاعات هرچه بيشتر، گوی سبقت ر ا �� فن
ازيکديگر بربايند. اين فرآيند تکاملی که کليه ی بشريت
را دربرگرفته است، متاسفانه درست همزمان است با حاکميت
نزديک به سه دهه ی تاريک انديشی، جهل پروری، جزميت
مذهبی و حتا اشاعه ی خرافات و جهان نگريهای آرکائي ک
ماقبل تاريخ و جادويی برکشورما.
با سلب حق حاکميت از ملت و به انحصار درآوردن آن توسط
ولی فقيه و اشرافيت مافيايی او، جامعه ی ايرانی که
بايد در ردای يک جامعه ی عقلانی در گستره ی جهانی شدن
جای ويژه و مناسبت خود را می يافت، به جامعه ای خرافی
و جادويی مبدل گشته است که در آن از گردش آزاد اطلاعا ت
خبری نيست و نتيجه ی آن عقب ماندگی فاجعه آميز در سطح
جهانی است. بارکمرشکن اين عقب ماندگی بيش از همه بردوش
جوانان ما سنگينی می کند که ازآزاديهای اجتماعی ،
اوريها، هنرها، زيبايی ها، شاديها و يک �� دانشها، فن
زندگی شغلی و خانوادگی مناسب، محروم و بی بهره
مانده اند. طبيعی است که اين محروميتها و فشارها و
زورگوييها واکنش بحق جوانان را برمی انگيزد. پاسخ
استبداد مذهبی حاکم به اين واکنشها، طالبانی
کردن فرهنگ و ميليتاريزه کردن جامعه و سياست
بوده است. ولی اين دور و تسلسل خرافه و خشونت ديری
نمی پايد و ملت ايران در فرايند تطور علمی و پيشرف ت
جهانی شدن سرانجام جامعه ی جهل و جنون و جزميت را
از ميان برخواهد داشت و راه را برای جامعه ی
عقلانی و اعتلای آزاد آن با اعاده ی حق حاکميت به
ملت هموارخواهد ساخت!
ما بايد برای فرارسيدن آن روز با عزمی راسخ هريک به
سهم خود تلاش کنيم. من اعتقاد دارم با مقاومت و
پايداری می توان اين خواسته را ممکن ساخت.
خداوند نگهدار ايران باد
Reza Pahlavi
P.O. Box 341907, Bethesda, MD. 20827, U.S.A.
Tel: 301-765-7007 Fax: 301-765-7009
www.rezapahlavi.org rpsec@rezapahlavi.org
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PostPosted: Sun Sep 30, 2007 10:49 am    Post subject: Prince Reza Pahlavi Interview With FoxNews Reply with quote

Top Iranian Leader Prince Reza Pahlavi Speaks Out On Top taazi Thug Ahmadnejad

Must Watch FoxNews Exclusive Interview with Prince Reza Pahlavi, Iran's exiled crown prince speaks out on Top Taazi Thug Ahmadinejad


Must Watch Video: American Hostages Are Saying Top Taazi Thug Ahmadinejad Was One of Hostage Holder


Top Taazi Thug Ahmadinejad: 9/11 was the U.S.'s fault


Last edited by cyrus on Mon Oct 01, 2007 7:05 pm; edited 1 time in total
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PostPosted: Mon Oct 01, 2007 5:11 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Dear Cyrus:
Do you have the link to Prince Reza Pahlavi's Fox inteview? for some reason I am not able to open up any of those media players...
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PostPosted: Mon Oct 01, 2007 5:29 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

blank wrote:
Dear Cyrus:
Do you have the link to Prince Reza Pahlavi's Fox inteview? for some reason I am not able to open up any of those media players...


Top Iranian Leader Prince Reza Pahlavi Speaks Out On Top taazi Thug Ahmadnejad

Please go to http://www.foxnews.com and try to play one of the foxnews video and then click on one of the links below, might work.

Must Watch FoxNews Exclusive Interview with Prince Reza Pahlavi, Iran's exiled crown prince speaks out on Top Taazi Thug Ahmadinejad


Must Watch Video: American Hostages Are Saying Top Taazi Thug Ahmadinejad Was One of Hostage Holder


Top Taazi Thug Ahmadinejad: 9/11 was the U.S.'s fault

If it does not work please try:
http://www.rezapahlavi.org/

Regards,
Cyrus
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PostPosted: Thu Oct 11, 2007 12:37 am    Post subject: Launch of Human Rights Focus Reply with quote

Prince Reza Pahlavi wrote:


Shahzadeh Reza Pahlavi Launch of Human Rights Focus

Reza Pahlavi
Wednesday, October 10th, 2007
http://www.rezapahlavi.org/messages/?english&id=124

Today the urgency of the campaign against human rights violations in Iran cannot be overstated. With the increasing tide of opposition from every section of Iranian society to its rule, the clerical dictatorship resorts to harsher and more brutal measures to secure its hold on power. In these critical times I feel a vital need for a steadfast and collective effort on the issue of human rights in our country. Today, on 10 October as we mark the annual World Day against the Death Penalty, I have selected a team of fellow compatriots to start a new section in my website devoted to the issue of human rights. The struggle to put an end to the death penalty, torture and all forms of persecution is part and parcel of the fight for the establishment of democracy in our beloved homeland. It cannot be divorced from the eradication of a regime that survives by suppressing its own population and terrorizing the rest of the world.

Human rights violations concern all Iranians regardless of their political affiliation. I welcome cooperation in the campaign against human rights violations from all political groups and civil society organizations that are genuinely working for the establishment of liberty and democracy in Iran . I believe that exchange of information, analysis and expertise can greatly contribute to raising the level of public awareness and solidarity essential in the fight against the systematic abuse of human rights.

In addition to gathering facts and figures about atrocities committed under the rule of the Islamic Republic, the aforementioned team will devote its energies to sensitizing the collective consciousness of the international community and constructing bridges of trust and understanding between various forces opposing human rights violations in Iran . By now it has become quite clear to the majority of Iranians that either we learn to resist tyranny and injustice together or are condemned to be cornered one at a time by the brutal forces of a fanatical and inhuman regime

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PostPosted: Thu Nov 01, 2007 4:32 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

http://www.rezapahlavi.org/speeches/?english&id=142


"Peace and Stability in the Middle East and Beyond: A Hostage to Iranian Intransigence and Adventurism."

Wednesday, October 24th, 2007

Speech given by Reza Pahlavi of Iran, at Management Center Innsbruck, Austria.

It is indeed a great pleasure for me to be among you tonight. I cannot help but recall some wonderful memories of my first trip to your beautiful country, some 32 years ago! I thank you for the opportunity you have given me to share my thoughts and perspective on a topic that rightly preoccupies the world.

My country Iran, under the tyrannical rule of a theocracy, has unfortunately become a source of premonitions and fear rather than inspiration and hope. I shall begin by describing the background to current state of affairs. It has to do with the build-up of a strategy which I call “politics of Shiite hegemony”. In a quick sketch I shall also describe the various building blocks connected with this strategy prior to proceeding to demonstrate how the clerical regime has abused the advantages it has gained as a result of this strategy.


Iran of today and yesterday

Let me preface this presentation with a word about what remains uppermost in my heart and mind: My country Iran. Here, I should like to draw a clear line: As a nation-state and as a people, Iran and Iranians should not be confused with the clerical regime, and what it projects. Iran’s multi- millennia culture has suffered from the fundamentalist yoke, but is alive and defiant. Its strength has conditioned and reshaped the paradigm the Islamist regime had hoped to impose and perpetuate. This distinction is essential both for understanding Iran’s behavior as well as the dynamics it generates in the region.

Late in August this year the Osnabrueck Symphony Orchestra from north-western Germany travelled to Tehran and played Beethoven and Brahms in Roudaki Hall – Tehran’s famous opera house. The previous year it was the Tehran Symphony Orchestra which had performed in Osnabrueck. This cultural exchange – a banal event in all other circumstances – was remarkable in some respects. If it evoked surprise and curiosity, even criticism in some quarters, for me, it was a comforting vindication of what I just said. But let me develop this thought just a bit more.

Western classical music, to be sure, is not part of traditional Iranian culture, and yes it’s elitist. But the fact that the Tehran symphony Orchestra and the Roudaki Hall have survived the vagaries of these past three decades is yet another evidence that the forces of darkness, the cult of death, martyrdom and superstition has not conquered the spirit of our nation.

We have seen more glaring examples of this reality in international film festivals, in world sport events, and still more in the unconquerable spirit of our women and in the daring defiance of our youth. Women have stood for their rights in a cult that prefers to relegate them to an inferior status as a household object. Our youth have defied and derided a regime which is not mindful of their future but is obsessed with the hereafter. The Iranian youth keep defending their right to live their age and the epoch in which they are born; that is to say in a world flourished by science and learning, and not mourning and martyrdom.

People may have forgotten what that revolutionary paradigm might have looked like. At the onset of the Islamist revolution, in the shadow of kangaroo courts and massive executions, music of all kinds were banned from the airwaves. The universities were closed down and subjected to most vicious purges. The darkest names, the grisliest figures in our collective memory became the icons of the revolution; they were exulted and canonized.

The core clique that dominated the revolution was of the same ilk as the Jihadists whom the world is now so familiar with. They came to power with a single-minded will to destroy past achievements and remodel our society after their medieval moulds. But Iran was and is a nation with a proud history and culture which in 1979 had behind it more than half a century of relentless and widespread reconstruction efforts. Yes, a theocracy was imposed on our nation, but it could not fully escape the imprint of that multi-millennia culture. This is one reason why Iran of today is the scene of stark contrasts, and its polity is so rife with complexities and contradictions.


The Make-up of the Strategy of Shiite Hegemony

How did this state of mind resonate in regional politics, and more broadly in the international sphere? Let me first recall that thirty years ago Iran was still a force of stability in the region. Iran, under the previous regime, had succeeded to strike a balance between the principle of good neighborliness and its strategic concerns in the context of the cold war. Iran had aligned itself with America and the West for historical and geo-strategic reasons, but relations with the USSR were also friendly and productive. The old dispute with Iraq over a common stretch of waterway had amicably been resolved. So was an old claim of sovereignty over Bahrain. In the Persian Gulf, Iran saw to the safe flow of maritime commerce and the security of waterways. In Oman, Iran had intervened to help the sultanate quell a radically inspired insurgency.

With the oil industry finally under full national control and the oil price optimized, my late father had held high ambitions for the future of our country. During the two decades before 1975, per capita income in Iran grew faster than in Turkey, while keeping pace with South Korea. By 1975, the level of per capita GDP in Iran had far exceeded those attained in Korea and Turkey. But the task remained unfinished, and in the zeal to achieve more and faster, a number of fatal errors were committed. This was the Iran that the revolutionaries inherited.

I would like to dwell a little on foreign policy choices made at the onset of the regime, and its effects on regional dynamics. It will be seen that these decisions were not driven by national interest, but by ideology. Much of the choices made were underpinned on an ideological hostility towards the United States and Israel. Indeed, ever since the storming of the US Embassy in Tehran and the taking of hostages in November 1979, “militant anti-Americanism” has been the cornerstone of the clerical regime’s foreign policy agenda.

Driven thus by a xenophobic claim to faith, the regime has moved quickly from its very outset to assert its Shiite identity by acting swiftly to mobilize Shiite communities in Iraq, Lebanon, Bahrain and elsewhere. The so-called “Shiite Crescent” label has only recently come to the vogue but there is nothing new about it.

The first target in Iran’s strategy of Shiite hegemony was Iraq. When he came to power, Khomeini set out to replicate the Islamic revolution in Iraq. His ambition was to supplant the Baathist regime by an Islamic government modeled after the government he had himself established in Iran.

The events that subsequently ensued, starting with Iraq’s aggression against my country in September 1980, are a matter of record; suffice it to say that, despite the very great sacrifices of the Iranian people which had succeeded in turning the tide against the Iraqi invaders by 1982, Khomeini refused the substantial offers of peace with reparations – and its attendant glory – in the vain pursuit of the same goals that had been at the heart of the conflict: Liberating Shiite holly places and establishing an Islamic Republic in Iraq. Six years and hundreds of thousands more Iranian casualties later, he realized he would not achieve that goal. In the end, his allegoric “chalice of venom” speech put an end to the longest conventional war in the century, and one of the bloodiest.

As a result of Khomeini’s obstinate intransigence, Saddam Hussein had emerged from the eight-year war with Iran feeling stronger. Perhaps it was this notion of self delusion that impelled him to embark on a losing gamble in Kuwait. In any event, his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 created a chain of events which has brought us to the present day situation that we face in Iraq and the region.

It is no secret that policies pursued by Washington since the invasion of Iraq in April 2003 have created a new paradox. At least some of the objectives Iran had sought but could not obtain through eight years of war have now been attained as a consequence of American failures in Iraq. As a result, no one today disputes the fact that Iran exercises real influence in Iraq and that some of the current movers and shakers in the Iraqi government are figures who have a long history of collaboration with the Islamic leadership in Tehran.

In Lebanon, the creation of Hezbollah was the second important building block that has now given shape to this now much talked about “Shiite Crescent”. Unlike what is often assumed, Hezbollah was not a product of Lebanon's demographic diversity and injustice to the Shiite community. Long before Hezbollah came into existence another Shiite entity under Imam Musa Sadr was active in Lebanon. AMAL, as that movement was known, was not just a politico-military outfit but was involved in social and community-based projects on behalf of Lebanese Shiites.

The revolutionary regime in Iran was looking for a surrogate in Lebanon, and AMAL did not fit the bill. Consequently, as of the early 1980s, the regime’s henchmen – operating out of Damascus – set out to create a new entity that was launched in 1982 following the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. To supplant AMAL as the main Shiite movement in Lebanon, Hezbollah needed plenty of funds for its social projects, maintenance and training of its militia and other expenses which are currently estimated conservatively at half a billion dollars per year. Their benefactor was no other than the clerical regime in Tehran which was able to solicit the tacit support and assistance of Syria as well.

A third element in the make-up of the strategy of hegemony has been the support of non-Shiite Arab extremist groups involved in Jihad against Israel. Again, the main Palestinian movement Fattah, headed by the likes of Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas, was seen as secular and ineffectual. Having over the years courted various extremist factions, the Islamic regime has today ended up embracing HAMAS and Islamic Jihad.

Finally, to service its illusion of grandeur, the clerical regime has seen fit to embark on a clandestine nuclear weapons program in disregard of its obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty as well as the interest and security of the Iranian people. It has now been clearly established that, apart from keeping nearly two decade of secret activities under wraps, the Islamic authorities had also clandestinely shopped for centrifuges and weapon designs in the black-market with the help of such people as the nuclear entrepreneur, A.Q. Khan, who is now under house arrest in Pakistan. When the extent of the regime’s nuclear program was eventually disclosed in 2003, the regime’s response was to pose as an innocent victim of bullying by the United States and others, whom they accused of wanting to “deprive Iran of it inalienable rights to explore atomic science for peaceful purposes.”

While this right is recognized under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, its exercise has never been unconditional. In fact, Article IV of the NPT stipulates that this right should be exercised in conformity with the two main premises of the Treaty: namely, non-production and non-acquisition of nuclear weapons. Today, however, the international community is expressing its serious concerns because all objective indicators point to a conclusion that the clerical regime is hell-bent on acquiring nuclear weapons in order to ensure the continuation of its bloodstained rule at home, and the sealing of its hegemony in the region.

The Iranian regime’s disingenuous pretences about need for nuclear fuel independence are also in stark contrast to Iran’s dependence on hydrocarbon sources of energy. The regime in Iran has only just begun to tackle the scandalous situation of petroleum imports and subsidies. Almost 30 years into the clerics’ rule, Iran – of all places – imports 40% of its daily consumption of refined petroleum products from abroad. At a time when the country is so dependent on such a large quantities of gasoline imports for its day-to-day mundane needs, it is simply hilarious to watch regime figures pontificating about the country’s need for independence in the nuclear fuel cycle – particularly at a time when not even a single reactor has become operational. This ostrich-like posturing of course fools only the fools.


Islamic Republic and Politics of Shiite Hegemony:

Now I would like to turn to the central theme of regional politics, and see how the clerical regime makes use of the assets that it has acquired by design or default.

It can be seen from what I have just outlined that the clerical regime has made use both of “soft power” – namely radicalization and manipulation of Shiite communities in the region – as well as “hard power” through heavy spending in armaments, including of course the very expensive nuclear weapons program, while at the same time retaining two parallel fully-fledged armies in the shape of the country’s regular armed forces and the “Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps” or IRGC, whose nefarious involvements in extraterritorial adventures in places like Iraq, Lebanon and Afghanistan has been the subject of so much discussion in the past several months.

Moreover, through its recent calls for the destruction of the State of Israel and its outright denial of the holocaust, the clerical regime has today firmly established itself as the dean of the region’s so-called “rejection front”. Not even Syria is quite in the same league, while its ideological offspring, Hezbollah, has lent credence to this pretension. It goes without saying that this kind of provocative posturing does have its appeal to large segments of frustrated Arab and Moslem citizens across the globe.

Hezbollah has indeed played a triple role, all of which suit and cater to the interests of Tehran’s theocracy: Firstly, Hezbollah has created a strategic buffer against Israel not just for the rest of Lebanon and Syria, but significantly also for Iran. Invariably, the summer of 2006 battles in southern Lebanon were seen as a proxy war between Iran and Israel, and by extension with America. According to most analysts, in any plan for a pre-emptive strike against Iran’s nuclear installations, Hezbollah is no doubt a factor that will need to be reckoned with.

Secondly, thanks to Iranian petrodollars, Hezbollah maintains a gigantic welfare machine for the Shiite community.

Finally, by the same token, Hezbollah has become a domineering political force in Lebanon acting to sap the country’s independence in favor of Syria, and preventing the more moderate political factions. Recent tragic events in Lebanon once again brought to light the vicious designs orchestrated by Iran against the democratically elected government of Lebanon.

The clerical regime’s leadership of “the rejection front” is more pronounced in Palestine. The mullahs support HAMAS in its face-off with Al-FATAH and in its defiance of Israel. Other radical Palestinian groups who refuse to acknowledge Israel have equally been supported. The clerical regime thrives in the current impasse and would want to perpetuate it. As long as peace in the Middle-East remains elusive, Hezbollah, the Islamic Jihad, HAMAS and other clients of Iran and Syria could claim legitimacy among the Arab masses from which Tehran’s theocracy gains political mileage. If peace finally is achieved, the clerical regime would be nobody’s hero outside a strictly sectarian setting.

In Iraq, the situation is equally complex. Iran drew unhoped-for dividends from the American venture in Iraq. As I already pointed out, forces that some 27 years ago were unleashed by Khomeini to overthrow Saddam Hussein and replicate the Islamic revolution are now in position of influence or power. But challenges to the ascendancy of the new Shiite-based ruling circle are taunting and relentless. There are Baathist remnants, dispossessed of power, who joined the disgruntled Sunni tribes in an insurgency to restore themselves to pre-eminence; there are the Al Qaeda linked insurgents who seek to oust Americans and the Shiite parvenu in order to gain a foothold. Some regional powers are concerned about Iran’s influence and Shiite ascendancy at the expense of the Sunnis. Within the Shiite factions also an undercurrent of enmity and resentment is palpable. Different rival militia groups attached to Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) or Muqtada al-Sadr have been engaged in infightings in a quest for ascendancy. They have penetrated the security forces and are involved in daily acts of kidnapping and murder.

How do the ruling mullahs in Tehran exploit the situation in Iraq to their advantage? The first point to consider is that in the mullah’s psyche the instinct of self preservation is paramount. From this perspective, their first priority should be to get the American forces out of Iraq, and Afghanistan for that matter. The strategy to achieve this is simple! Prolong the current state of chaos and mayhem beyond the patience of the American public and the life-span of the current administration. To achieve this goal, the number of the American casualties in Iraq should go up; hence the supply of IED’s (Improvised Explosive Devices) and funding and training of various insurgents to exhaust the American will to continue with its mission in that country.

The second priority is to ensure an enduring foothold in Iraq and perpetuate the Shiite ascendancy. The current Shiite ruling circle under prime-minister Maliki – in spite of having undisputable ties with Iran – could not fully be relied on as a long-term ally. The clerical regime is therefore seeking to build up a bogyman modeled after Hezbollah to act as its surrogate in any future civil war, thus ensuring the preservation of Iran’s influence in Iraq. Who other than Mugtada al-Sadr could fit the bill? The recent pull out of al- Sadr ministers and deputies from Maliki’s coalition is a clear indication of the rift, not just within the coalition, but also between Maliki and the Islamic Republic. It should further be noted that among the main Shiite poles of power, only al-Sadr fully subscribes to Iran’s objective of getting American and allied forces out of Iraq.

There are similar policies and patterns, albeit on a smaller scale in Afghanistan, but in the interest of time I shall forego entering into that aspect.

Does the “Shiite Crescent” and the politics being built around it make Tehran’s theocracy a great regional power? There are some analysts who argue that Iran has already emerged as a regional super power. As always there are some elements of truth in any hype, but in my view, such a premise is fundamentally faulty and flawed.

The sheer size of Iran and its geo-strategic location no doubt imparts on Iran the status of a major regional power. This is a country of 70 million inhabitants spreading over 1.6 million square kilometers which includes the entire northern shores of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea. The current problem is that the clerical regime has sought to impose its hegemony beyond what is inherent in its geo-strategic profile. This has in turn generated a strong current of opinion that advocates both engagement and negotiations with the regime.

Nonetheless, today there are clear signs that the politics of Shiite ascendancy and regional adventurism pursued by Tehran is starting to backfire. In the opposite horizon, a new arch – that of a Sunni alliance led by a number of key Arab countries – is starting to emerge. Today, this confrontation is becoming more evident in places like Iraq and Lebanon where, armed with Arab funds and other material support, the Sunnis have started to copy the kind of structures the Shias have been developing in the past two decades.


Negotiating with the Islamic Republic:

Prior to concluding my remarks, let me say a few words about dialogue and engagement with the clerical regime. While such an approach is, as I just said, being advocated by a main current of opinion, there is another extreme who argue for the military option in the shape of military strikes, even all-out war. I have time and again expressed my firm opposition to any military solution. Moreover, the current talk of war could alienate public opinion inside my country and even unite it behind a much despised regime. Iranians in their great majority have friendly feelings towards the United States and the West. Therefore, it is important that they should not be let down.

There is no doubt that dialogue must be privileged in all circumstances. But those who confuse the process with purpose and view negotiations as a panacea are in for disappointment. Henry Kissinger once rightly pointed out that "diplomacy never operates in a vacuum;" it succeeds when the parties arrive at a frame of mind or at a realization that the risks involved in non-negotiation outweigh benefits of preserving one's original position. The process of give-and-take that results from negotiation is incidental to that paramount realization.

Have the ruling mullahs reached that mental threshold? The answer in my judgment is negative, although a resolute global strategy – short of resort to military action – could transform the current mindset. A few years ago we saw such a transformation in the attitude of Colonel Muamar Qaddafi in Libya.

But here, I want to emphasize the following: I should like to strongly point out that no durable settlement of dispute with the Islamic Republic can ever be achieved, should that settlement be reached at the expense of the Iranian people. In clarifying this point even further, I must stress that while Iran’s nuclear ambitions are at present, the focus of international attention and scrutiny, most Iranians are hoping that the current level of unprecedented pressures will not only help end the current threat which the clerical regime is posing to regional and international security, but to also usher in a new era where notions such as freedom, democracy and human rights are all fully adhered to by a responsible government that is both of the people and committed to the future welfare of the people.

My country, Iran, is youthful in its demographic properties, rich with a multi millennia culture and an alive and vibrant society. In our defiance of the ruling theocracy, my compatriots need and deserve all the moral help and support they can get in order to bring about fundamental change by establishing a system of governance that is in keeping with the imperatives of our time: a secular democracy in place of the current ruling theocracy.

I thank you for your patience.
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PostPosted: Mon Dec 10, 2007 12:55 am    Post subject: Reza Pahlavi Of Iran’s Message On The Occasion Of 60th Anniv Reply with quote



HM Prince Reza Pahlavi Of Iran’s Message On The Occasion Of 60th Anniversary Of The Universal Declaration Of Human Rights
Sunday, December 9th, 2007
http://www.rezapahlavi.org/messages/?english&id=205

Dear compatriots,

Today on Human Rights Day and on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the United Nations prepares to launch a year-long programme of activities to celebrate the signing of this historic document, every principle of this Declaration is being trampled upon in our homeland.

It is ironic that while the moral and intellectual heritage of our nation was one of the major inspirations behind the genesis of human rights, Iranian citizens remain deprived and disinherited from their most basic freedoms.

Today Amnesty International and other monitoring organizations put Iran close to the top of their list of countries violating human rights. For the past twenty-eight years, no segment of Iranian society has been immune to abuses. Women, youth, workers, journalists, dissenting clerics, farmers, academics, religious and ethnic minorities have all at one time or another been target of flagrant violations.

The rulers of the Islamic Republic have done their utmost to distort the noble image of our country and present our people as promoters of terrorism, intolerance and hatred. They have sacrificed the individual rights of Iranian citizens at the altar of a fanatical ideology and for the preservation of their illegitimate hold on political power.

It is very clear to me that our nation will soon free itself from its present nightmare and claim its true heritage as a stronghold of human rights and defender of dignity and freedom. Giving my full support to the United Nations activities in the promotion of human rights, I call upon all my compatriots as well as the international community to stand together and oppose all manner of human rights violations against Iranian citizens perpetrated by the clerical dictatorship.

May God Bless Iran.

Reza Pahlavi
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PostPosted: Wed Dec 19, 2007 11:31 am    Post subject: Not in Our Name Reply with quote

HM Prince Reza Pahlavi wrote:

Not in Our Name
Newsweek International
HM Prince Reza Pahlavi
Tuesday, December 18th, 2007


http://www.rezapahlavi.org/articles/?english&id=208


Since the hostage crisis of 1979, a state of undeclared war between Iran and the United States-begun by the mullahs-has become ever more bitter and intense. Militant anti Americanism has become the central core of Tehran’s foreign policy, as its rulers have opposed the interests of Washington and its allies everywhere-most notably in the Muslim world.

The result of almost three decades of hostility, exacerbated by Iran’s nuclear ambitions and its agitation in places like Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine and Afghanistan is that conflict in the region seems possible once more.

Should war break out, those likely to suffer most will be the people of Iran, who have long borne the brunt of their government’s policies, which have isolated, brutalized and impoverished them.

Although the regime boasts of having held numerous elections, not one has been fair or free, with people’s candidates able to avoid endless obstructions. Ahmadinejad’s own election was such a sham that even some of his handpicked opponents, including a former president and a Speaker of Iran’s Parliament, accused him and his supporters of cheating.

It is essential, therefore, not to confuse Iran with the clerical dictatorship. The cult of death and superstition that personifies the Islamic Republic has not conquered the spirit of our nation, especially its women and youth, who make up some 70 percent of the population.

Having squandered popular support, the regime today faces the most serious international crisis in its history and a number of sharp internal challenges, due primarily to the faltering, corruption-ridden economy. The mullahs’ only hope for survival is to use the nuclear threat to blackmail the outside world into inaction while brutalizing their people at home.

I have repeatedly stated my opposition to military action against Iran. There is no question that dialogue and diplomacy must be given time to take their course. But endless, futile negotiations cannot be a solution, either. The threat posed by those who have blackened the name of Islam and destroyed the prosperity of the Iranian nation can be countered only through what I have referred to as a “third way”: the mobilization and the empowerment of the Iranian people.

While the present crisis has been focused mainly on Iran’s nuclear ambitions, most Iranians hope the standoff will provide them with a chance to challenge and replace the despotic theocracy with a secular democracy.

Until freedom, democracy and human rights are fully respected and adhered to by a responsible government in Tehran that is committed to the welfare of its own people, peace and security in the Middle East and beyond will continue to remain in constant jeopardy.
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PostPosted: Fri Jan 18, 2008 8:29 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Prince Reza Pahlavi Interview with Radio BBC.

http://www.rezapahlavi.org/audios.php?id=221#221
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PostPosted: Thu Jan 31, 2008 3:04 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

http://www.rezapahlavi.org/speeches/?english&id=250


"Iran and the Future of the Middle East"

An address by Reza Pahlavi of Iran
Georgetown University
Wednesday, January 30th, 2008

I am indeed very pleased to be back at Georgetown University, and to once again have the opportunity to spend some time with you and discuss important matters which, without a doubt, concern all of us in these troubled times.

Iran’s clerical regime’s continued support for terrorism and confrontational behaviour, both regionally and beyond, its lack of transparency on issues such as its nuclear program, its continued repression of its citizenry, and a host of other issues, has rightfully led the world to the conclusion that, as such, this regime cannot be trusted. The Iranian people continue to suffer while the world ponders where all this might lead to. There are numerous topics worthy of discussion. But in light of time, I have chosen to focus tonight on the most recent issues preoccupying the international community.

Let me start by stating that, despite a brief respite owing to the hype created by the publication of the National Intelligence Estimate last December, my homeland Iran, has managed to once again reclaim – for all the wrong reasons – its coveted place as one of the leading headline grabbers in world affairs. Not even Pakistan’s tense situation following the assassination of my friend, former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, nor the chaotic presidential elections and its violent aftermath in Kenya, as well as the continuing crisis in Iraq and the Levant, have managed to keep Iran and its contentious rulers off the front pages.

At the same time, as the primary season peaks here, and people are increasingly consumed by the election fever sweeping America, Iranians are also being asked to go to the polls on March 14 – to elect a new Majlis (parliament). Interestingly, despite the fact that Iran keeps making headlines on a whole host of other issues, and unlike the constant emphasis being made about the “free and fair” nature of the forthcoming Parliamentary elections in Pakistan, or the degree of irregularities in Kenya’s much disputed presidential elections last month, very little effort is underway to accurately describe the hoax and circus that is being passed on as “elections” by the ruling clerics in Iran.

While news is gradually surfacing that more than two thirds of the 7000 plus candidates, who have registered to contest 290 seats in the “Islamic Consultative Parliament,” are likely to be “disqualified” – for a variety of reasons, but primarily based on the extent of their commitments to the tenets of the autocratic constitution – there has been no attempt to try and apply the same standards that are being demanded of, say President Musharaf in Pakistan, to the ruling autocrats of Iran!

What is worse is that the international media, eager in having an entrée into Iran, are so obsessed with the prospect of getting a “live interview” with any one of Iran’s controversial figures over such contentious issues as their calling for the “wiping of Israel from the face of the earth,” or other similarly preposterous statements, that they pay little to no attention to the fact that they are being hoodwinked into a trap that essentially helps the clerical authorities achieve their aim of passing off their classic Soviet-style elections as something genuine or likely to make a difference to the overwhelming majority of the people.

Let me be clear: the upcoming Majles elections in Iran is nothing but a sham, and the Iranian people – whether they are compelled by a variety of reasons to take part, or whether they are able to withstand enormous pressure and boycott the elections – know full well that, no matter who gets into the next Majles, they are unlikely to truly represent their will, desire and vision for Iran. Consequently, the next Majles will continue to remain a mere pawn in the hands of the “Supreme Leader” and his cohorts.

Let me now turn to a different subject which must today be at the top of the mind of every student of Iranian affairs: The effect of the NIE, especially amongst Iranians.

From my perspective, the most positive aspect of the NIE has been the fact that in the ongoing dispute between Iran and the international community over the regime’s exposed nuclear program and ambitions, the worst option – namely the dreaded military option, against which I have continuously spoken – has been firmly placed in context.

In the weeks prior to the release of the National Intelligence Estimate, despite the fact that it was clearly obvious that diplomatic efforts were by no means exhausted in pressuring the clerical regime to adhere to the will of the U.N. Security Council and the I.A.E.A. vis-à-vis it’s uranium enrichment program, there was, nonetheless, a crescendo of media-based hype and frenzy, giving the impression that the military option was likely to be exercised much sooner than anyone imagined.

As a consequence of the NIE, there is no question that focus has once again been shifted to reliance on negotiations and diplomatic measures in attempting to resolve this matter. So, while the United States has maintained that its military option has not been removed from the table, there is now a much more sober atmosphere that is most conscious about not allowing matters to get out of hand.

While this development has been a source of relief to me and many Iranians who were dreading the prospect of a catastrophic war, it has at the same time served to lower morale amongst ordinary citizens looking for international moral support of their struggle for democracy and human rights, by creating the false impression that the U.S. and its allies were caving into the Islamist regime’s pressures in places like Lebanon, Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan.
This impression was fuelled, not only by the kind of misleading publicity the NIE generated within the international media, but also by the way in which the regime’s propaganda machine projected it as its ultimate vindication and victory over “the Great Satan and its European surrogates.” The level of misperception and deliberate misrepresentation regarding the actual meaning and content of the National Intelligence Estimate has been such that key figures of the clerical regime – believing their own propaganda – have actually demanded that Iran be exonerated of all suspicions, and that its nuclear case at the Security Council be terminated and handed back to the IAEA.
It is a fact that – as a consequence of the NIE – the Islamic regime has been able to gain extra time in the “cat and mouse game” it has so masterfully played with the international community for the past several years. However, it was also inevitable that they could not continue misrepresenting realities beyond a very limited period of time.
Fortunately, as we speak, the implications of the NIE report can be viewed in much more sober terms as they pertain to Iran – as opposed to whatever connotation one might want to attach to it from the perspective of U.S. politics. As far as Iran is concerned, the NIE confirms the fact that the clerical leadership had in fact concealed and mislead the world about their plans for acquiring and developing nuclear weapons, in the sense that according to the report, it was not until 2003 that they actually put a halt to their “nuclear weapons” program – meaning Iran’s nuclear weapon design and weaponization work.

The remainder of the report, while making a number of other comments with varying “degrees of confidence,” entirely misses a critical point in that the underlying reason behind the regime’s troubles with the U.N. Security Council had little to do with its at-the-time covert weaponization work, but instead was due to the regime’s opacity and failure to cooperate with the IAEA on one hand, and its continuing production of fissile material and haste in the development of long range missiles on the other.

To be clear, there was never any question that, unless the Iranian authorities properly addressed the demands that were being put to them over these issues, nothing would be resolved. Hence, it is no surprise that after a delay of some 30 days or more, the “5+1” group are once again in the process of circulating a draft text that will be the basis of a third punitive U.N. Security Council resolution against Iran.

Within Iran, these past several weeks have been a period of extreme concern and anxiety. Although there is general relief over the lowered prospects of military conflict, there is today grave concern about the fact that the U.S. and the international community might be willing to forego the cause of democracy and human rights in Iran, should the Islamist clerical regime demand it as its price in exchange for halting its agitations in places like Iraq and Afghanistan. Such a development, were it to occur, would not only serve to demoralize freedom loving people and democratic movements world wide, but it would more dangerously hand victory to murderers and terrorists throughout the Middle East.
I believe that the current thrust of U.S. policy in the Middle East which is centred on the resolution of the long standing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, is a positive development and one which I hope will be sustained by the next administration. Undoubtedly, the resolution of this 60 year old conflict will serve as the cornerstone of moderation and stability in the region as a whole.

However, have no doubt that Tehran’s theocracy also has its plan, one which is not compatible with the regional and the international community’s vision of a two state resolution. Through its surrogates and allies in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, the clerical regime is guaranteed to do its utmost to derail and block the current initiative from ever taking off. I believe President Bush’s public comments on Iran, during his recent trip to the Middle East, are partly reflective of his administration’s realization of the same. Of course, this feeds into a greater general unease about the clerical regime’s implicit and explicitly declared long term regional ambitions, threatening the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, rendering the clerical regime a problem State irrespective of who takes charge of the next U.S. Administration.

In closing, I must state the sobering fact that, in the course of the past three decades, since the arrival of Ayatollah Khomeini and the establishment of the world’s first modern-day theocracy, we have witnessed a pattern of escalating violence, war and conflict at unprecedented levels. A cursory review of some of the regional developments during this period in places like Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon and Israel, clearly illustrate the point I am making. Uncertainty about the future, coupled with constant fear of violence and instability, has deprived the people of the Middle East from creating the kind of environment that is both peaceful and conducive for developing their full potential. The question which begs attention is: what must be done to avoid a similar pattern in the next 30 years, or better yet, how best to put an end to it?
Seen from that perspective, the choices are very clear. It is essential that forces of moderation, tolerance and enlightenment succeed in isolating and neutralizing the forces of darkness and violence which have no compunction whatsoever in resorting to mass terror in order to promote their hateful agenda. It is in this overall battle of ideas that the solid and unwavering moral support of the West and its liberal democratic values are so essential in determining the final outcome.

I firmly believe that the people of Iran have a huge role to play in this great battle. As a nation, we have experienced and directly endured the consequences of an inept, corrupt and oppressive government that has failed to meet the daily needs of a robust population that is craving to play its rightful part, in line with the demands of the 21st century.

I am convinced that with the establishment of secular democracy in Iran – something that is fully understood and compatible with the wishes of the overwhelming majority of Iranians – and the end of the regime’s sponsorship of terror, the region will get its chance to start anew. A democratic Iran will usher a new era that will, within a generation, positively transform the Middle East and beyond.

Therefore, let me conclude by saying that my compatriots need your moral support today in their struggle for freedom and human rights. We need to be assured that the free world will never deviate over matters of principle.
Help us help you in the greater battles that must be won, if we are to succeed with the positive visions we all share: putting an end to tension, violence and instability, and promoting peace, understanding and tranquillity in the Middle East.

********

See the beautiful Iranian Flag behind our Prince in the picture./b
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PostPosted: Fri Feb 22, 2008 6:39 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

http://uk.youtube.com/watch?v=zfvKqAQj2Jw


It is interesting that whenever there is a popular video of the Prince on Youtube, iri agents succeed to write something in comment area; so it would be removed.
The end of this regime is coming soon.


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PostPosted: Sat Mar 01, 2008 3:04 pm    Post subject: Please Watch Payame Noroozi In Parsi Reply with quote

Please Watch Payame Noroozi In Parsi

http://community.activistchat.com/kickapps/_-Payame-Noroozi/video/161614/4685.html
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PostPosted: Sat Mar 15, 2008 12:52 pm    Post subject: VOA News on H.M. Cyrus Pahlavi in French Parliament Reply with quote

Activistchat Community Video VOA News on H.M. Cyrus Pahlavi in French Parliament
To check it out, click this link:
http://community.activistchat.com/kickapps/_PRINCE-CYRUS-Reza-PAHLAVI-IN-PARIS/video/169793/4685.html

United We Stand With Iranian Royal Family For Our Motherland National Interest With Over 7000 Years Heritage And We Should Learn The True Meaning Of Iranian National Interest From H.E. Prime Minister M.A. Forooghi



ActivistChat wrote:

Please Learn The True Meaning Of Iranian National Interest From Prime Minister M.A. Forooghi In The Real World International Politics With Many Hidden Dirty Agenda .... When and How To Say No To Neo Colonialists Chess Game…..


With many thanks to H. E. Ambassador Hakimi for his great effort of helping to publish this book on Internet “TRUTH HAS NO COLOUR” By His Excellency Late A.H. Meftah and sharing it with public.

This book is the fruit of a 47 years hard work by Senior Iranian diplomat & Ambassador in many countries Acting Foreign Minister under Mossadegh & late General Zahedi. I am considering this book as one of the top best educational book that I have read and hope all Iranians learn from this great diplomat what is the meaning of National Interest and don’t sacrifice the long term Iranian National Interest for selfish short term power, fame and financial gain. Public Insulting to any member of Iranian Royal family is against our long term National Interest and must be rejected by all freedom-loving Iranians.

In short essay in 1993 about “Rules of greatness throughout human History” stated the following:

”Greatness is not achieved by words but by hard work, difficult choices, actions and sacrifice. It takes more than intellect and general knowledge to make a leader ethical and moral. It takes courage and ethics. Certainly evolution's path towards greatness is not easy. The problem before us is how can courage and ethics be concentrated so that society can create ethical men, women and leaders.”

Late H. E. Meftah forty five years of honest service for Motherland, and H. E. Prime Minister M.A. Forooghi with clear understanding of Iranian National Interest certainly put them in the category of Great Iranian thinker, a legendary figure, politician and patriot who saved motherland Iran from bigger disaster .

H. E. Meftah wrote:


“It forced me to seek an interview with Dr. Mossadegh
through the help of his son. I succeeded to meet him and spent nearly
one and a half hour with Dr. Mossadegh to inform him of what HE
did not at all knew. I believe that even Dr. Fatemi did not know either.
Dr. Fatemi inquired if Dr. Mossadegh knew about it? NO, was my
answer.
He suddenly became interested and said “then it must be
something worth to hear, what was it?”
I said, “To my opinion it was very interesting, and please listen
carefully. Because as I told Dr. Mossadegh, of the intense I have in
your success in Nationalization of our oil industry, which was my old
earnest longing, I hate to see that the way you are handling the case,
is taken to indicate that you are playing the Anglo-Russian card”. Dr.
Fatemi became so interested that he put aside Le Mond, and listened
attentively. I said to Dr. Mossadegh “surely you remember how Iran
was occupied during the war and how Reza Shah was forced to
abdicate, and that HE abdicated in favor of Crown Prince, while
Russia and England were both strongly against Mohammad Reza
Shah occupying his father’s place? Mossadegh said; HE did not know
the last part of what I had said. I continued that in short the case was
as follows: When Reza Shah was forced to abdicate, Russia and
England, jointly approached Mr. Saed, our ambassador in Moscow,
and asked him to accept the regency of Iran till a Shah was chosen!
Saed refused the proposal, but suggested that they better refer the
matter to Forooghi, who was more suitable and popular than he was.
Saed’s suggestion was accepted, but Forooghi also refused to submit
to the proposal.

M.A. Forooghi

To force Forooghi to accept the Regency the British Ambassador,
raider Bullard, accompanied by his Russian colleague, Smirnov,
visited Forooghi the day before the Shah too the oath in the
Parliament and informed him, that their respective governments
would not recognize Mohammad Reza as the Shah of Persia!
Therefore, who ever is informed of that episode, will no doubt believe
that you are playing the Anglo-Russian cards!
Dr. Fatemi did not utter anything & fell into deep thought. My
conversation with Dr. Fatemi took quite a long time that I felt it
better to take my leave, so that HE could think it over of what I had
said to Dr. Mossadegh.”



Highly recommend to read this electronic book to Iranian new generation, youth and write your review ....

Strived by: H. E. Ambassador H. Hakimi
http://activistchat.com/TruthHasNoColorByMeftah.pdf

I give this book 5 stars review and appreciate Mr. Bojang Meftah decision to release this book for public education,
Regards,
Cyrus
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PostPosted: Sat Mar 22, 2008 12:00 pm    Post subject: CNN Interviews Prince Cyrus (Reza) Pahlavi on Islamic Republ Reply with quote

Watch CNN Interviews Prince Cyrus (Reza) Pahlavi on Islamic Republic's Mafia Election

http://community.activistchat.com/kickapps/_CNN-Interviews-Prince-Cyrus-Reza-Pahlavi-on-Islamic-Republics-Mafia-Election-/video/174705/4685.html
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PostPosted: Sun Mar 30, 2008 2:35 pm    Post subject: Prince Cyrus (Reza) Pahlavi: Leadership for Democracy in Ira Reply with quote


Source: http://www.rezapahlavi.org/press/?english&id=280

Prince Cyrus (Reza) Pahlavi: Leadership for Democracy in Iran
The Washington Post
Sunday, March 30th, 2008

For almost three decades, Reza Pahlavi has been a strong voice for freedom and democracy the world over. Now, with the support of freedom seekers around the world, he is ready to lead an international effort for a new era in his native country.

A letter to the World

The recent parliamentary election in Iran, and, for that matter, all previous elections, have been a travesty, a sad farce, with the ruling government again making promises it cannot fulfill. During 28 years of involvement as a secular democrat, I have watched with sorrow the political and economic catastrophes that have destroyed the hopes and lives of the Iranian people. I have been fortunate through these years to be living in freedom; but still, my heart and my roots are in Iran.

Others have not been so fortunate. More than two-thirds of the population of Iran are under the age of 30. That means they have spent all their lives, so far, under the oppressive rule that began in 1979 when Ayatollah Khomeini and his Islamic extremists seized control. They have not known the prosperity and security enjoyed by many children living in the free world; instead, they have endured poverty and fear.

Iran’s youth demand a new vision

This is a generation that is longing for change. The youth of Iran grow increasingly frustrated and rebellious under an antiquated clerical system that invades every aspect of their lives. They are denied opportunity while the government funds murderous terrorist activities and squanders billions on issues that have no relevance to the interests and prosperity of the Iranian people. Furthermore, in today’s era of globalization, they are increasingly alarmed at the isolation of Iran from the international community.

Young Iranians are not alone in their demand for fundamental change. Joining them are human rights crusaders, women who have lost their freedom under the ruling cleric, religious minorities and ethnic communities treated as second-class citizens or worse, academics denied intellectual freedom, labor leaders unable to speak for workers’ rights as they should, and news media muzzled or shut down.

This frustration, this anger, can be harnessed as a positive, unstoppable force, a wave that brings about change in Iran. With the support of the international community, a new era can begin in this ancient, much loved country-a country full of promise and great potential.

I am not talking about a violent revolution; I am talking about a collective will of the people, similar to what we have witnessed in India, Poland, South Africa, Ukraine, and many of the former USSR states. Call it a velvet revolution or an orange revolution-Whatever the term, the goal is for a peaceful democratic conversion.

Longing to see freedom thrive

When I left Iran in 1978, I had the opportunity of completing my pilot’s training in the United States Air Force, completing my education at the University of Southern California, and forming and raising a family in the United States. My experiences of life in America and other democratic nations have given me a deep appreciation for and dedication to the values of freedom and democracy. But my emotions, like those of many Iranians around the globe, remain tied to our ancient homeland. We long to see freedom thrive there again and dream of the day we can finally return home.

Our goal is nothing less than respect and dignity for all Iranians, observance of human rights for all citizens, programs to address critical social and economic problems, and harmonious, peaceful relations with Middle Eastern neighbors, the West, and the broader international community.

A symbol of this will be the restoration of the true colors of Iran-the flag bearing the lion and the sun-a visual declaration for the world that Iran is once and for all a free, open and secular society, with a government truly representing the hopes and aspirations of Iranians today and for future generations.

Therefore, I invite you to join me alongside committed groups in Iran and around the world who share this vision.

Change must come. Change will come. And, as always, I dedicate myself to a future democratic Iran.

Reza Pahlavi
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